Obama Website Has Article Comparing Israelis to Nazis

Yes, really…first go read the article from IsraelNationalNews.com here, then check out the post they reference here at  my.barackobama.com.  It’s a blog post written by one Lech Alex Bajan from December, 2008, but the blog is paid for by Organizing For America, a project of the Democratic National Committee.

UPDATE: Upon checking my links it looks like the IsraelNationalNews.com article has been scrubbed, like almost immediately upon my posting this.  Strange.  But you can still go to the Obama website and read what was written in the original  blog post they referenced.

Second UPDATE:  On a whim several hours later, I checked the IsraelNationalNews.com link again….and the article is back up!  Let’s hope it stays that way.

UPDATE 10/07/09:  Upon checking the Obama blog  link this a.m. it seems that post has now been scrubbed.  Maybe it will show back up in time.

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6 thoughts on “Obama Website Has Article Comparing Israelis to Nazis

  1. Hi Kathy,

    Thanks for bringing this to our attention. Interesting though; while the page at the Israel news site came up just fine, the barackobama page now says “invalid.” Might be my browser, or might be temporary, but it’s interesting. I’m going to try to remember to check it again later in the day.

    Sometimes, many times actually, this current administration almost seems too bad to be real. It’s almost surreal, they’re so bad.

  2. Ya’ want to know what’s funny? That blog post has been up there since last December! But now that someone pointed it out….it’s been scrubbed! There was nothing there when I tried too.
    Turn the lights on….the cockroaches all run and hide.

  3. Because of the German-Soviet Treaty to divide Poland among themselves, the Eastern half of Poland was under Soviet, not German, rule from September, 1939 to mid-1941. During that time, there were many Jewish people who collaborated with the Soviet terror apparatus against the conquered Polish state. Among the many eyewitnesses to those events is the famed Polish courier Jan Karski, who was made an honorary citizen of Israel for his efforts to warn an unresponsive West about the fate of Poland and Polish Jewry. In February 1940, Karski reported: “Jews are denouncing Poles to the secret police and are directing the work of the communist militia from behind the scenes… Unfortunately, one must say that these incidents are very frequent.” (Report to the Polish Government-in-Exile in London.)

    Hundreds of published accounts, including Jewish ones, confirm that Jews were involved in the roundups of Polish soldiers and officials (e.g., at Ro_yszcze, Kowel, and Brze__), the jailing and executions of Poles (e.g., at Lwów, Tarnopol and Czortków), and in policing the deportation of Poles, by cattle car, to the Gulag (e.g., from Gwo_dziec and Jedwabne). By the time the Germans attacked their erstwhile Soviet ally in mid-1941, over one million Poles had been deported to distant and probable death from towns like Bra_sk. All of this occurred before the Jewish Holocaust got underway. Naturally, these events had a significant impact on Polish attitudes, though that was not the only factor influencing them. Conditions in Bra_sk under Soviet occupation were detailed in a recent study by Zbigniew Romaniuk, titled “21 miesi_y w_adzy sowieckiej w Bra_sku”, in Ziemia Bra_ka, volume 6 (1995)—it does not make pleasant reading.

  4. by Henry Makow Ph.D.

    “Defiance”, yet another movie about Jewish victimhood and heroism opened in 1800 US theaters last week.

    This story of Jewish partisans fighting Nazis adds to a growing Holocaust film genre that includes Sophie’s Choice, Shindler’s List and The Pianist.

    But one incredible Jewish story of genocide continues to elude Hollywood. This is the execution of 20,000 Polish Officer POW’s, (devout Roman Catholics who represented much of the Polish elite,) by the Bolshevik Jewish-led NKVD in the Katyn forest in 1940.

    Why has Hollywood ignored this story? My opinion is that, with six degrees of separation, Hollywood, (and indeed America) is ultimately run by the spiritual descendants of these murderers.

    Thus we are brainwashed to ignore genocides that don’t fit the Nazi-Jew paradigm. Movies are essential to this programming. Part of an ongoing psychological war on the Christian European majority, we are made to identify with minorities. If we object, we are counted as Nazis. I will expand later when I briefly review Hollywood’s current fare.

    Andrej Wajda, 82, Poland’s most celebrated film director, lost his father at Katyn. In 2008, Wajda made a movie about this genocide and its effect on the victims’ families. Financed by Polish TV, the film, “Katyn,” was a major artistic and commercial success in Poland. It was nominated for an Oscar for Best Foreign Film in 2008, but still has not found wide distribution outside Poland.

    It didn’t win the Oscar. The award went to a Jewish Holocaust movie, “The Counterfeiters,” a “true story” from Germany. It described the moral dilemma faced by a Jewish master-counterfeiter forced to forge British and US currency. (“Should I sabotage this process?”) I saw this movie. It is an enjoyable piece of propaganda which helps the audience identify with Jews. In real life, I doubt if the hero had any such moral qualms. Even in the film, he filled his own pockets.

    KATYN

    Here is the trailer for “Katyn”. I haven’t seen the movie but I did stumble across information that illustrates why this is the stuff of which epics are made.

    First, some background from Wikipedia: “Since Poland’s conscription system required every nonexempt university graduate to become a reserve officer, the Soviets were able to round up much of the Polish intelligentsia. Those who died at Katyn included an admiral, two generals, 24 colonels, 79 lieutenant colonels, 258 majors, 654 captains, 17 naval captains, 3,420 NCOs, seven chaplains, three landowners, a prince, 43 officials, 85 privates, and 131 refugees. Also among the dead were 20 university professors; 300 physicians; several hundred lawyers, engineers, and teachers; and more than 100 writers and journalists as well as about 200 pilots. In all, the NKVD executed almost half the Polish officer corps.”

    In 1945, Maurice Shainberg was the Assistant to KGB Col. Grigory Zaitzev who was the Commandant of the main Katyn work camp. In his book, “Breaking from the KGB,” (1986) Shainberg, a Polish Jew, tells how he discovered Zaitzev’s Katyn diary in the safe. Shainberg had misgivings about Communism and identified with his fellow Poles. He took great personal risks to copy sections of the diary. The Zaitzev Diary was dynamite because the Soviets always claimed the Nazis had committed the war crime.

    The diary appears authentic except for one major discrepancy. Zaitzev pretends the slaughter was necessitated by lack of transport to remove the prisoners in advance of the Nazi onslaught in June 1941. In fact, Stalin and Beria gave the order to murder the Poles in early March and the executions took place in April and May 1940. Only 4250 were actually shot in Katyn forest. The remainder were executed in prisons elsewhere. Many were taken out in barges on the White Sea and drowned.

    Otherwise, the diary describes how the Soviets tried to indoctrinate and intimidate the Poles into betraying their culture and their country (as the Western-elite has done today), by forming a puppet class in a future Soviet-dominated Poland. The Poles refused and that is the reason they were slaughtered.

    THE ZAITZEV DIARY

    When Zaitzev got his assignment, he was warned that the Poles were all “educated religious fanatics” always singing patriotic songs and hymns with their chaplain. Zaitzev was confident he could teach them to “pray to a new God.”

    The prisoners worked cutting trees from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. In the evening they boycotted the indoctrination sessions. They had no desire to assist in building the future Soviet Poland.

    One officer explained: “As a Pole I know my nation. None of us have the desire to dictate to other people, and we don’t want other people to dictate to us. We are neither a Fascist or a Communist nation, but a devoutly Catholic one.”

    Once during a speech, the Polish Army Chaplain Jozwiak lifted up the crucifix he wore and began to chant a prayer. The prisoners followed suit. That night, Jozwiak was taken to the Interrogation Chamber.

    “The use of electrical currents on Father Jozwiak’s eyes and body didn’t help. Nor was the Chinese method successful, where the prisoner was stripped from the waist down and forced to sit over an open cage of starving rats. We couldn’t allow the priest to go back to the other prisoners in the condition he was left in, so we finished him off.” (Shainberg, p. 165)

    The NKVD thought the priest’s example would have a sobering effect on the POW’s but instead they curtailed their work. The NKVD retaliated by decreasing rations which made the prisoners too weak to work. When the NKVD started shooting prisoners who didn’t work; the others turned on the guards with their axes and 192 Poles were shot.

    Now the Poles were more defiant than ever. When a collaborator lectured to them, they began to chant a prayer: “We Polish soldiers and prisoners of the Soviets have been brought here to foreign lands to die. We beg of you, Mother of God, to take care of our nation…Save us from German and Soviet imprisonment. We are offering ourselves as a sacrifice for the independence of our fatherland…”

    Of course this is the kind of self sacrifice and patriotism that our Masters don’t want us to see.

    “Our task was impossible,” Zaitzev wrote. “People who have never met these Poles will not understand how difficult it was to change their attitude toward us. No beating or abuse would make them stop their singing. They are a hard and proud people. Every day they get physically weaker but their anger and hatred increased.”

    Polish historian Krzystztof Siwek tells me that Poland has declared April 13 a National Day of Rememberance of the Katyn martyrs. “A joint Polish-Russian commission was formed to develop an official position of both sides. Most of controversies remain unresolved. Russians fear that admitting fully to the crime against humanity would allow the victims’ families to demand compensations and other penalties as in the case of Germany.”

    MOVIES AS PROPAGANDA

    The goal of Illuminati Jewish bankers and their Masonic gentile collaborators is to meld the world’s population into a single servant class in a “New World Order.” This requires the destruction of the four legs of human identity: race, religion, nation and family.

    The Illuminati bankers established the USSR as a preccursor to the New World Order. The execution of the Polish elite was necessary to the longterm plan. The Nazis, also an Illuminati Jewish creation, treated Polish and other national elites in a similar fashion.

    The Illuminati are Luciferian. They wish to substitute their rule for God’s natural and spiritual (moral) order. They need to destroy the Western European Christian heterosexual middle class to fulfill their agenda. Culture is a function of money and the Illuminati control credit. Thus our culture maintains a conspiracy of silence about the gradual subversion of Western Civilization by its own traitorous elite.

    Instead the focus, in movies for e.g., is on minorities. Clint Eastwood’s “Gran Torino” is about a redneck who learns to love Asian immigrants kids. Oscar nominated “Slumdog Millionaire” is about Bombay street kids. Sean Penn’s “Milk” is about a crusader for homosexual rights. Oscar nominated “The Reader” combines pedophilia and German guilt for the Holocaust. “Revolutionary Road” presents a negative view of marriage and the 1950’s, a period when the nuclear family recovered. (I liked this movie, but not the message.) “Doubt” is about homosexuality in the Catholic Church. French Best Foreign Language nominee “The Class” is about immigrant youths and how lovable they are. And on it goes, movies are propaganda for the Illuminati agenda.

    When the movie is about white Americans, as in “Benjamin Button,” no collective identity can be upheld, no universals revealed. Life must be literally turned upside down, in this case reversed from old to young, before it has any interest for the screenwriter, Eric Roth. This diverting but ultimately vacuous movie is a triumph of make-up. It has nothing important to say to Americans at this critical moment.

    So there should be no surprise that a film about Christian martyrs and patriots coming from an anachronism called a nation like Poland will be quietly swept under the carpet by Hollywood.
    Heaven forbid that the sheep figure out that the same fate may await them.

  5. The Impact of History on Polish Art in the Twentieth Century
    A Talk by Feliks Szyszko
    Jan Matejko (1838-1893), the most popular creator of romantic visions of Polish history, declared, “Art is a weapon of sorts; one ought not to separate art from the love of one’s homeland.” Contemporary artists and spectators may find the pomposity and even a certain naivete of that statement are difficult to accept and not only because it was over a hundred years ago that this opinion and many similar ones were expressed. After all, the great adventure of the New Art had already begun, first in Paris, later in Vienna, London and Munich where many Polish artists had studied. Paul Cezanne, the French painter who established the foundations of Art of the Twentieth Century, was a year younger than Matejko. Claude Monet, one of the greatest of the impressionists, was two years his junior. And the tragic end of Vincent Van Gogh (1853-1890), perhaps one of the best known heroes of Modern Art, took place as early as 1890. Hence, three years before Matejko’ s own premature death.

    Nonetheless, one must not forget that Matejko made the above declaration at a time when Poland, erased from the map of Europe, had no statehood. Many artists, in common with such writers as Nobel Laureate Henryk Sienkiewicz, took upon themselves the responsibility for rebuilding the national identity threatened by the policies of the foreign powers that had partitioned and subjugated the country. Given the title of my talk, one might well ask why I begin with Matejko whose art is after all a reflection of the traditional 19th Century attitude to the world and to the people around him? Being an artist myself, opposed to the use of art for any political purposes and to the regarding of painting as a form of didacticism, I do so to strongly emphasize the impact of history on the art of several significant 20th Century Polish artists.

    The question can be raised regarding what modern Polish art would look like but for “The Painted History” created by the 19th century “army” of artists with Jan Matejko as its “commander in chief?” Certainly, it would have look very different. Matejko, in fact, was even more that the commander. He was a highly respected “institution,” He was a sovereign.

    The Battle of Grunwald
    by Jan Matejko,
    1878, 4.26 X 9.87 meters. oil on canvas, National Museum, Warsaw
    Click on image to enlarge
    Exhibitions of his works became not only local but national events which excited strong emotions. In 1878, following the unveiling of his enormous painting The Battle of Grunwald which portrays the 1410 Polish-Lithuanian victory over the Knights of the Germanic Order of the Cross, Matejko was offered a royal scepter by his compatriots.

    That tiny, sickly, but unbelievably hard working parishioner from Cracow was considered a national leader, a teacher, a prophet on par with the trio of national bards: Mickiewicz, Slowacki, and Krasinski. The prophesy he made at the time: “Today there are no Polish kings. There is an interregnum. Without no doubt, it will not last long.” became the subject of high level official correspondence but it did not personally harm its author; it simply increased his prestige and influence. A time of great changes was approaching.

    After decades of forcible Germanization, the imperial government in Vienna had decided to bestow upon the so called “Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria,” (i.e., the area of Poland in the Austrian partition ,usually referred to as Galicia), a ceratin degree of political, cultural and economic autonomy. In 1869, Cracow received a considerable measure of self rule and, most importantly, the right to use the Polish language in schools and in the courts. Soon its Jagiellonian University, founded in the 14th century, was re-opened. But the greatest benefit the city derived from this liberalization was in the cultural sphere, because its political role, even within Galicia, was reduced while its economy remained practically non-existent. After the 1873 establishment of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences, Cracow became a center for scholarly research, particularly in the humanities; in political history, the history of literature, and in archeology, these activities embracing all three sections of the partitioned country and even extending beyond its frontiers.

    During the last decades of the 19th century, Cracow positivists loyal to the Austrian Empire strongly criticized the unrealistic thinking and delusions of Polish romanticism which claimed that Poles were a chosen people with a messianic mission. Such political currents were a reaction to the disaster of the January Uprising of 1863 against Russia, precipitated by the impressment, on the orders of Margrave Wielkopolski of some 1500 of Warsaw’s activist youths. The positivist concept of Polish history was somewhat counterbalanced by Matejko, a romantic remnant, a romantic relic in a positivist present. The Cracow conservatists declared a half legendary, daring 16th century court jester, STANCZYK by name, as their patron. Paradoxically, it was Matejko who had first revived theat colorful figure, but gave him quite a different role to play in his huge theater upon canvas. It is significant that Stanczyk, as painted by Matejko, was always portrayed with the painter’s face.

    If we scrutinize carefully the “last” 138 years of Polish art history, we shall discover the presence of Stanczyk in many works of art from Wyspianski, and Malczewski, through Kantor and up to the young artists of the nineteen eighties and nineties. The attitude of a jester frequently helped many artists to survive and maintain their independence under more or less intolerant or even totalitarian systems.

    Stanislaw Wyspianski was born in Cracow in 1869. In 1876 he met Jan Matejko and became his student. From the very beginning he was obsessed with the idea of preserving and evoking the past. His knowledge of history was unbelievable. However, at that time, not being too original, he gained his master’s praise. Matejko is said to have proclaimed “He will be Matejko twice over.” In fact, Wyspianski came to be both more and less than two Matejkos. He was to become somebody else; not a multiple of Matejko, but one unrepeatable Wyspianski. A great multi talented artist, playwright, and poet effective to some degree in all the media of fine arts, including architectural planning. He was a real Renaissance man who surpassed his teacher intellectually. Gazing at this paintings and drawings we should not forget that Wyspianski came to be viewed as one of the greatest reformers of not only Polish but also European theater.

    The years Wyspianski studied in Paris allowed him to escape the influence of his master. To Wyspianski, the Art Nouveau trends revealed the relatedness of the arts, their inter-penetration, their movement towards synthesis. French theater, opera and particularly German Wagnerian drama, opened his eyes to his own literary talents and pulled him in the direction of dramatic works. Wyspianski, however, continued to see himself as a painter, designer and maker of stained glass, of frescoes – monumental works. It was only reverses in these fields of art that tipped the scales of his talent toward theater.

    And so this artist created such great modernist works of Poland’s national theater as The Wedding and Deliverance. While Matejko’s paintings show the artist’s complete dependence on his native environment, Wyspianski’s works even more so. He is just inconceivable outside of Cracow. Leon Schiller, a famous theater director, characterized Cracow as “the city containing within its walls more legends and elements inspiring drama and the theater than all the other Polish cities taken together” and as “the most theatrically minded city in Poland.” Wyspianski was a product of Cracow in the fullest meaning of that word. Except for some three years spent abroad, his entire short, hectic and tense life was spent in his native city which became for him an obsession. In particular the Wawel Hill became a focal point of Wyspianski’ s activities. And history is present in most of Wyspianski’ s works, be these furniture designs,, paintings, poems, theatrical plays, etc.

    Earlier, in 1848 Wawel Castle, or rather the whole of the Wawel Hill, a place of unique importance to the Polish people, had been turned it into an army barracks and partly destroyed by the Austrians. When, due to a more liberal policy, its ownership was returned to Cracow’ s community, it inspired patriotic emotions and discussions concerning its shape and destiny. The impoverished city, devastated by the great fires of 1850 and 1866, suddenly retrieved the symbol of the glorious past. After an accidental opening of the tomb of Casimir the Great, one of the most outstanding kings of the Piast dynasty, the ceremonial funeral leading to reinterment his remains became a nation-wide patriotic manifestation.

    Casimir the Great
    by Stanislaw Wyspianski,
    1900-1902, Pastel, 436 x 148 cm
    National Museum, Cracow

    Saint Stanislaus
    by Stanislaw Wyspianski,
    1893-94, Pastel, 436 x 148 cm
    National Museum, Cracow

    Polonia
    by Stanislaw Wyspianski,
    1893-94, Pastel, 298 x 153 cm
    National Museum, Cracow

    Click on image to enlarge
    It was an event destined to be echoed in a 1901 poetic rhapsody by Wyspianski who also created a caroon design for a Casimir the Great stained glass window for Wawel’s Royal Cathedral. In 2000, Andrzej Wajda, Poland’s distinguished film maker, proposed a realization of that 1900-1904 masterpiece, which in the eyes of Wyspianski’s contemporaries was too shocking to deserve a place in Wawel Cathedral – as was his design of for a Saint Stanislaus window featuring the controversial eleventh century bishop murdered by King Boleslaus the Bold. Polonia commissioned for Lwow’s Cathedral, proved to be yet another unrealized stained glass window design by Wyspianski.

    History is less visible in Wyspianski’s paintings and pastels than in his dramas and poems, but his representations of the “Polish Acropolis,” as Wyspianski called the Wawel Hill, a the most impressive ever produced. He is but one of those artists who created history themselves. Unlike Matejko, Wyspianski was never presented a scepter. As with most great Polish artists, he was misunderstood, unappreciated, and even humiliated by his compatriots. Wronged, but aware of his greatness, he wrote a poem that began with the words:

    “Ah, I love Cracow – for not from the stones
    did I learn sorrow – but from the living ones.”

    Melancholia
    by Jacel Malczewski,
    1900-1902, 55×95″ oil on canvas, National Museum, Poznan
    Click on image for enlarged sections of the painting
    Jacek Malczewski (1854-1929) was also one of Matejko’s numerous students. He came to Cracow from the Radom area in the Russian partition, but soon became a prominent figure of Cracow’s artistic life. Later he was elected the provost of Cracow’s famous Academy of Fine Arts. Being undoubtedly one of the greatest painters in the history of Polish art, he was also a highly original visionary and a committed patriot. Let us look at one of his early but best known masterpieces, Melancholy (1890) which bears the subtitle Prologue. Last Century in Poland. Surpassing Matejko’s pieces in respect of color and composition, that big, weird painting definitely would not be possible without Matejko’s influence.

    A seated artist is shown in his studio, facing a blank canvas, with his back to the viewer. A black figure stands by the open window at the other side of the canvas. The title of the painting suggests its meaning. Melancholy symbolizes the artist and hence refers to his duty, which is to provide a vision of history. The subtitle, in turn, describes that artist’s vision. There is a crowd of figures swirling in the studio who, let us observe, make up the shape of a cross. At the base of the cross are children symbolizing the beginning of life and at the same time of an unfortunate period in the history of Poland. In the middle are men with scythes (the traditional weapon of Polish insurgents), participants in the 19th century uprisings. The left side of the cross, that nearest to the half opened window, is filled with old men near death, prisoners and deportees to Siberia, victims of successive uprisings.

    Without going into Malczewski’s complex symbolism, let us point out that the image depicts the history of Poland in the 19th century, a period of struggle for independence, a struggle for independence, a struggle which resulted in the deaths of thousands of people. The figure standing on the right is death as well as future deliverance. In other words, the artist suggests, independence will come in the wake of death. The form of the cross filled with figures is a reference to the sacrifice of Christ who redeemed mankind through his death. Likewise, Poland was to rise from the dead through an offering of blood. Hence the open window is a symbol of hope for the coming century, that in which the nation will be redeemed.

    The Polish Hamlet by Jacek Malczewski, oil on canvas, 1903
    Flanked by two images of Poland, one old and bound, the other free, radical and revolutionary, the aristocrat, Aleksander Wielopolski, finds the choice a difficult one.

    The painting symbolizes the dilemma faced by those living in partitioned Poland whether to stay with the status quo or to seek freedom by staging one more uprising, even though all the previous ones had brought defeat and repression.
    I have already mentioned Margrave Wielopolski, the plenipotentiary of Tsarist government in the Russian partition. Though he introduced reforms polonizing both the administration and schools, his short sighted decision to impress into the tsarist army activist young men led to the tragic events in 1863. No matter what his purposes were, he became a tragic figure, hated and despised by the majority if the Polish people. Malczewski’s Polish Hamlet, painted in 1903, represents that aristocrat’s dilemma: how to be a savior of the nation rather than its traitor, while remaining an obedient servant of Moscow. Other paintings by Malczewski don’t refer to the Polish history as directly. According to some, however, The Poisoned Well which appears in many of his works acts as a symbol of partitioned Poland.

    Currently, there is a much acclaimed exhibition of Jacek Malczewski’ s works in Paris in such an important place as Musee d’Orsay.

    “Melancholy’s” window opened in 1918 when Poland became an independent state. That, naturally, created quite a different reference point for artistic culture. Art no longer had to act as the treasury of the national memory or create prophetic visions to sustain the spirit. Modernist references were to satisfy the ambitions of the nascent European and democratic society; local references, often visible as those to folk art, satisfied the need for the national legitimacy of the new state, thus justifying its existence.

    There are many good illustrations of the process. Few in the West, i.e Western Europe and North America, realize how rich was the country’s artistic life during 1918-39 period, those twenty years of Polish independence. The names of most art movements and artists of that period, as well as their achievements, remain unknown to most people in the West. Often these achievements were precursory to American and West European avant garde ideas, particularly those of the nineteen sixties and the eighties. However, that’s not the topic of my lecture. Let me, instead, present to you a very prolific woman viewed by many as a second rate decorative artist, but whose works are very representative of that period: Zofia Stryjenska. Almong her works there are several historical ones.

    Piast by Zofia Stryjenska, oil on canvas, 1932
    In Piast, one of these, two angels visit Piast the wheelwright and announce to him that his son is going to be a prince or king. The scene, based on a well known legend, was one also drawn and painted by. Matejko and Wyspianski. Still, what a difference in terms of form, colors, but, above all, the artist’s attitude towards the theme. No more solemnity, drama and prophecy. Stryjenska’ s is a typically optimistic painting, characteristic for the twenties and thirties, an epoch of the Art Deco style. There were many more artists and trends that dealt in some way Poland’s history. (Some Formists, “Frigian Cap”, “Horned Heart Tribe” groups, etc.) For obvious reasons I cannot discuss them all. Yet, I would hazard a statement that the heritage of history has been more or less present in most of the art works produced by Polish artists up to now. Even those who were strongly opposed to the traditions of the past, sooner or later come back to them consciously or subconsciously.

    World War II put a stop to many artistic processes, especially as it caused changes in the institutional structure of the country. The implementation of a new political system, based on one party rule and a non-sovereign government (though relics of a multi-party system and sovereignty were preserved for the sake of appearances, especially during the ‘40s) most evidently affected the post-war art world. For the Polish nation as a whole and for people individually, the war had been primarily a traumatic experience and as such became an important element of a search for historical identity, conducted by many artists, especially those of the younger generation. Let me mention but a few.

    Execution V by Andrzej Wroblewski, 1949
    Andrzej Wroblewski (1927-1957). His art is a penetrating illustration of the peculiar psychological condition when the subject and the object merge in the experience of horror. His series of Executions represents the physical existence of the human body, or the existence of man, at the moment of death. Wroblewski believed that realistic art was the formula which made the achievement of the goals of the ideology possible and saw his art as fitting in with the doctrine. The early fifties showed that politicians knew better than artists what kind of realism was right. The Great Communist Terror began destroying human minds and bodies. Some who, for various reasons, believed or were trying to believe in propaganda also failed.

    Socialist Realism was established as the only way to represent reality. This doctrine is formally and thematically simple. It reminds us of the syllabuses in primary schools which make us believe, after we finish them, that the world is one-dimensional: happy or sentimental, heroic and victorious. “Socialist in content, national in form” even the definition was imported from Moscow. Jan Matejko and other nineteenth century Polish painters certainly never realized that some of their works would become a tool or an instrument in the hands of communist propagandists. The post World War II artists were expected to create the visions of the NEW WONDERFUL SOCIALIST WORLD and to overtake Matejko who was not always ideologically correct. He was too “bourgeois.” Thus, some of Matejko’s paintings seemed somewhat inconvenient, particularly those representing fights with the Russians. These were carefully concealed. The rest were flaunted as models and pattern formed as free from “Western poisons of any kind.” It is not easy to evaluate Wroblewski’ s attitude. He was a member of the Communist Party for a while. He painted several pictures utterly in the spirit of Socialist Realism. Certainly he was one of the very few who didn’t do it for opportunistic reasons. In opposition to most of the Polish artists he was anti-Western oriented. “Here and now” was his creed. It meant that artists should help in the creation of the New History through their art. Being young and idealistic, he did not realize the danger of the trap and became a victim of his convictions. Rejected by the communists as too “formalistic”, despised by some in artistic circles, he died prematurely after Gomulka’s “thaw” in 1956″ when the Socialist Realism was already over. The circumstances of his death have remained vague (suicide?).

    Paradoxically, Wroblewski became later a kind of a master for many younger artists opposing the totalitarian system. The Wprost group from Cracow was one that opted for concrete and expressive art, not “modern” but “contemporary” a record of time and place, of the Polish “here and now.” Their program was not so much concerned with aesthetics as with ethics. Art was to stem the tide of schizophrenia in life and the language, to unveil the duplicity of thought, to call things by their proper name: DIRECTLY (the adverb “Wprost” means “directly,” “frankly.” To expose the lies of propaganda the Wprost group appropriated such idiom. The sociological, journalistic style of the Group often contained references to Christianity. “Hallowed iconographic motifs crucifixions, adorations, and lamentations were brought down to street level.” (Czerni)

    The group was established as early as 1965 in Cracow as a response to the first exhibition in the Krzysztofory Gallery myself and two of my friends. That doesn’t change the fact that we respect each other and could take part in a sharp discussion rather than a fight. We have always been the adversaries, never the enemies!

    Polonia by Leszek Sobocki, 1982
    Leszek Sobocki (born 1932) is, in my opinion, the most interesting member of wprost. His self-centered and romantic art, paring down its narration to expressive, theatrical gestures, was a meditation on the state of art and role of the artist in hard times. His paintings, especially to his self-portraits of symbolic patriotic meaning, frequently refer in a direct way to Jacek Malczewski whom he adored. In his famous self portrait entitled It’s Suffocating Here, commenting of the overwhelming reality of the communist dictatorship, Sobocki wears Malczewski’s hat. Sobocki also represented the famous patriotic icons. Polonia with hands pinioned with red band has definitely its roots in Matejko and Arthur Grottgen, another famous nineteenth century painter.

    Martial law of 13 December 1981 was a time of repression and depression, yet it also proved to be a period of increased creativity. The intense and diverse independent movement of the Eighties was a sociological phenomenon on an unprecedented scale. Exhibitions, productions, discussions held under the aegis of the Catholic Church elicited considerable response, satisfying an obvious need of the public which instinctively sought refuge and consolidation in solitary resistance. The return of art to consecrated space and of artists to legible symbolism was termed a “homecoming”, though looking back, it is evident that a large part of the paintings done at the time were nothing more (or less?) than a record of the period and the emotions it aroused. That art successfully performed a compensatory and therapeutic function. The literal pathos of its iconography was a faithful rendering of the contemporary state of mind and the attributes of oppression such as bars and torn flags as well as the shrouds, floral crossed and broken loaves.

    The bad quality and naivete of most of such art works were often criticized. Warsaw’s Grzegorz Kowalski, a prominent artist of the independent scene recalled: “Under martial law we were part of society. That’s just the fate of the Polish artist. I think that nowhere in the world will you find such resonance, such shared responsibility for national identity. It’s a prerequisite of living here, and it’s a curse because of the way it constrains us. When society expects emblems, symbols and empathy, can you imagine art just going on turning its back on it? We found ourselves in an anachronous situation: second and first rate artists together in the churches playing the role of Matejkos, Grottgers and Malczewskis!! In some damn European Grand Guignol (famous French puppet theater of atrocities) fate typecast Poles as a victim! Those artists that kept their distance were sidelined because they had much to offer. Their independence proved empty somehow.” Kowalski used Matejko’s Stanczyk for his composition Solitaire in 1985, but in 1995 made the new part of the diptych entitled Rerun. He made well-known Warsaw artists his protagonists. They have donned the fool’s red garb an with their suggestive gestures paraphrase the figures populating Matejko’s historical canvases: doomed national heroes, prophets and court jesters. The jester’s motley recalls Matejko’s heritage. For Matejko is not tantamount to the idea of art as a political mission and its romantic identification with the nation; he also saw the artist as a fool, guided by a spirit of contradiction, a symbol of truth proclaimed against the mainstream and the environment. (Piotrowski)) The work is a bitter comment on some behaviors in the new political situation.

    Cracow’s Tadeusz Kantor (1915-1990) “can be placed among the select group of the twentieth century’s most influential theater practitioners. His work with the Cricot 2 company and his theories of theater have not only challenged but have also expanded the boundaries of traditional and non-traditional theater forms.” (Kobialka) Let us say, many critics and theoreticians seem not to see it, the boundaries of traditional and non-traditional painting forms as the painting was almost always starting point of all Kantor’ s activities. Knowing Kantor and his wife personally and listening to him frequently I want to strongly emphasize that fact.

    As one might call Matejko “a theater director on canvas,” Kantor can be named “a painter on the stage.” Kantor is know as “a living seismograph” responding to all the most current artistic events all around the world, continually renewed his battle for modernity. No Polish artist but has managed to give the myths, stereotypes, fears and expectations that inhabit the collective imagination such a universal form as Tadeusz Kantor in his “Theater of Death” as he called it himself- beginning with The Dead Class (1975) to his last production Today Is My Birthday. There was a time when he &truggled with Matejko, Wyspianski, and Malczewski, ascending the heights marked out by the national sages and then breaking free of them with the skill of a magician, uniting the roles of the artist as priest and jester. But let’s allow Tadeusz Kantor to speak for himself:

    Wyspianski’s fatherland lay
    in the depth of his heart,
    but he did not wave his word
    that was sacred to him
    like a banner.
    He branded his countrymen
    for a phenomenon known today:
    whatsoever he did
    they did with “Poland”
    on their lips.
    He was brave as hell
    because when he branded them
    his attitude had
    a justifiable rationale
    when patriotism was
    the only weapon
    for rescuing the national
    existence
    from the ruthless indifference
    and crimes
    of the Great of this World.

    greatness
    not such as derives from the triumph
    of life and thrones, trumpets and drums,
    the roar of the mob
    gala costumes
    we know that kind –
    but greatness
    in the face of death –
    this was Wyspianski’s discovery.

    Shortly before his death Kantor painted a big picture, September 1939 Defeat. The painting, of a soldier crucified against a map of pre-war Poland, became a messianic manifesto, illustrating the unchanging destiny of the Pole and his duties to God and Country. The painting is now property of the Cracow Branch of World Association of the Soldiers of AK (Home Army Resistance),.

  6. The matters related to compensation for Poles and Jews for damages suffered under Nazi and Soviet occupation.

    Reuters Agency reported from Buenos Aires, Argentina on Fri, 19 Apr 1996 (14:50:17 PDT) on The World Jewish Congress.

    Israel Singer, General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress stated that “More than three million Jews died in Poland and the Polish people are not going to be the heirs of the Polish Jews. We are never going to allow this. (…) They’re gonna hear from us until Poland freezes over again. If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims it will be “publicly attacked and humiliated” in the international forum.

    Today some Jews are estimating the value of Jewish assets lost in Poland and vicinity in the billions of dollars. Descendants of the Holocaust victims obviously could not hope to extract billions of dollars from descendants of the Polish gentile victims of war. Aware of these difficulties, some Jews have promoted a myth about Polish complicity in the Holocaust. Obviously it would be easier to extract money from descendants of the guilty rather than descendants of innocent co-victims whose property was also destroyed or eventually, in many cases, taken from them by the Soviet puppet government.

    Jan Tomasz Gross wrote three essays in the spirit of this kind of myth. They were published in Krakw in 1998 by Universitas under the title of “Upiorna Dekada, 1939-1948. (Ghastly Decade 1939-1948).” On 118 small-size pages the author accuses the Polish nation of complicity in the Holocaust and in eviction of the Jews. This propaganda effort is surprising, coming from a writer of serious works.

    A symbolic buzzard eating dead flesh is shown on the cover the Ghastly Decade 1939-1948. It resembles communist propaganda posters, especially the famous “spit-soiled dwarf of reaction of 1945.” The decade “1939-1948” does not represent any distinct period in Polish history. It does, however, include the Holocaust perpetrated by Nazi Germany and the exodus of Jews from Eastern and Central Europe. It was forced by pogroms staged by the Soviets in all satellite states. The exodus was made possible by opening the Iron Curtain for hundreds of thousands of Jews. The notion that these people were not fit to live under communism is patently wrong. Millions of those “unfit to live under communism” perished in the “Gulag Archipelago.” Only Jews had the privilege to emigrate en masse from the Soviet Bloc because Stalin had other plans for them. The Polish nation had no complicity in these events.

    Stalin exploited the Zionist movement in order to abolish the British Mandate in Palestine. In the process he created a window of opportunity, to use the words of Paul Johnson, for establishing the State of Israel. Stalin’s purpose was to embitter the conflict between Arabs and Jews and to blockade the supplies of Arab oil to the West. He also helped to inflame the hatred of the Muslim world against the United States. Stalin’s strategy worked and deadly terrorism of Islamic fundamentalists is growing long after the Soviet dictator is gone.

    Gross falsifies quotations in order to make his points. On page 56 he changes the meaning of a quote in the diary of dr. Zygmunt Klukowski (Dziennik z lat okupacji Zamojszczyzny – A diary of the years of occupation of Zamojszczyzna). Gross insinuates that in October 1942 Poles murdered some 2300 Jews while the Germans deported for execution 934 other victims. The deception is achieved by omission of quotation marks (“nasi”); this changed the meaning of a crucial statement of the original diary, in which reference was made to locally stationed German gendarmes.

    Self defense and national identity under the occupation.
    The ethnic Poles considered German and Soviet invaders as equally dangerous whereas many Jews were trying to find security on the Soviet side. The ethnic Poles were naturally preoccupied with saving their nation, which was exposed to massive executions starting two years before the Holocaust. From the beginning of the war, the Germans were committing mass murders on the Polish civilian population, especially throughout western Poland, newly annexed by Germany. They brought with them lists of victims prepared long before the invasion of Poland. The Soviet NKVD prepared a list of 21,857 people of the Polish leadership community all of whom were executed during the Spring of 1940. Mass execution of the Jews in German gas chambers began two years later.

    The Polish resistance movement was the largest in occupied Europe. In order to break the Polish resistance Nazi-German terror apparatus (1939-1945) and the communist security forces (1939-1956) tortured more gentile Poles than any other European ethnic group.

    Gross does not recognize the fact that helping Jews was a part of the resistance against the Nazis. Illogically he cites the fact that more Poles were engaged in the armed resistance than in saving of the Jews as a proof of Polish anti-Semitism.

    In order the understand the desperate struggle of the Poles in the face of the greatest catastrophe in the Polish history and the general disinterest of the Polish Jews in the fate of the Polish state one can quote statements by the Nobel Prize laureate Isaac Bashevis Singer (1904-1991) in New York’s Forverts of Sept. 17, 1944. Writing under the pen-name Iccok Warszawski under the title “Jews and Poles Lived Together For 800 Years But Were Not Integrated” he stated:

    “Rarely did a Jew think it necessary to learn Polish, rarely was a Jew interested in Polish history or politics. (…) Even in the last few years it was still a rare occurrence that a Jew would speak Polish well. Out of three million Jews living in Poland, two and half million were not able to write a simple letter in Polish and they spoke [Polish] very poorly. There were hundreds of thousands of Jews in Poland to whom Polish was as unfamiliar as Turkish.” In the same paper he wrote on March 20. 1964: “My mouth could not get accustomed to the soft consonants of [Polish] language. My forefathers have lived for centuries in Poland but in reality I was a foreigner, with separate language, ideas and religion. I sensed the oddness of this situation and often considered moving to Palestine.” (The above quotations are from Chone Shmeruk’s Isaac Bashevis Singer and Bruno Schultz published in the Polish Review Vol. XXXVI, 1991, pp.: 161-167.) Bashevis Singer suggests that Jews in Poland were a self-segregated ethnic or national group which could not pass as ethnic Poles.

    Death penalty for helping Jews was unique to Poland.
    The essence of the policies of the Nazi government at all times was the implementation of the doctrine of the Lebensraum, or German “living space.” The aim of the Berlin government was to seize Slavic lands and replace the Slavic population with what they considered “racial Germans.” Thus, Poland was to be colonized by Germans and the Polish nation eradicated. For this reason the Nazi-Germans used every opportunity to kill Poles. One of the examples of this policy was the death penalty and immediate execution of entire Polish families and neighborhoods for helping Jews. At the same time, for example, in Denmark, which the Germans did not intend to colonize, no one was executed for helping any of the few Jews who lived there.

    Gross disregards these facts and on the page 41 he gives the following illogical title to a chapter:

    On the fact that the prevailing Polish anti-Semitism also was the reason why the Poles who helped Jews were brutally and totally murdered by the Germans.

    Then on page 60 Gross writes “how was it that the people who sheltered Jews during the war, did not like to admit it after the war. (…) It was believed that anyone helping Jews got rich” and therefore could be robbed or repressed for “breaking the local code of behavior.” Gross does not mention the fact that it often was difficult to admit to one’s neighbor that by sheltering a Jew one was risking one’s neighbor’s life without his knowledge – it was easier not to tell one’s neighbor about the “time bomb” next door and therefore not to celebrate the fact that it did not explode.

    One could consider how much more Polish gentiles could have done to avert the tragic fate of the Jews in a situation where Polish gentiles could not prevent the killing of millions of Polish Christians and when the Polish Nation itself faced genocide. It is difficult to find a Polish gentile family which did not experience the loss of close relatives under the German and Soviet occupations. In central Poland, which the Germans turned into killing fields called by them a General Protectorate, there were eleven million Polish gentiles and two million Polish Jews. They were separated by the cultural barrier described by Bashevis Singer. Thus, for each Polish family there was one Jew that desperately needed help. The presence of the prewar German minority and of “racial Germans,” recruited locally by the Nazis, further complicated the struggle for survival of both Polish gentiles and Jews.

    Also important was the Soviet policy to nominate Jews to very visible posts in the Communist terror apparatus in order to shift the blame to the Jews for Soviet crimes. This perfidious Soviet policy did not facilitate a postwar admission that one risked one’s and others’ lives while sheltering the very people who later became Soviet executioners in Poland. Widespread Jewish complicity in the Soviet terror apparatus installed in Poland speaks volumes about their lack of concern for the existence of a sovereign Polish nation.

    Arab oil versus the pogrom in Kielce.
    Stalin signed in Yalta a pledge to hold free elections in Poland. The Soviets broke this pledge and used various propaganda means to draw the Allies’ attention away from this fact. They exploited the horrible Jewish tragedy, about which the world was beginning to learn the gruesome details. The Soviets used the accusation of Polish anti-Semitism to justify their protracted occupation of Poland, while at the same time the NKVD staged pogroms in all satellite states, in particular in Poland.

    19th century ritual murder accusations of the Black Hundred and the Tsarist Okhrana were recycled by the Soviets. Of the many pogroms in 1945 and 1946 only the Kielce pogrom of July 4, 1945 was exploited worldwide by the Soviet propaganda. The pogroms in Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, Czechia, and eastern Galicia as well as the Kielce pogrom was conducted under close control of the NKVD in order to generate an exodus of Jews who otherwise would not emigrate.

    The American Ambassador to Poland was convinced the date of the 4th of July was chosen for an efficient dissemination of news among the American Jewry on the anniversary of the American Independence, a day free of work (Arthus Bliss-Lane, I Saw Poland Betrayed, New York, 1948). A month later a bloody pogrom was staged in Bratislava, Slovakia, where participants of a veterans’ convention were ordered to march to Jewish quarters where they committed crimes similar to those in Kielce. Needless to say, Gross treats the Kielce events as a genuine proof of Polish anti-Semitism.

    On the fiftieth anniversary of the Kielce pogrom, the post-communists exerted much effort trying to whitewash the NKVD and UB which engineered and controlled the pogrom, while blaming it on Polish mob. It bears repeating, however, that innocent people were tortured and executed within a week after the pogrom, after a show trial which lasted a few days. The strength of the post-communist grip on Poland makes the correction of these mendacities difficult.

    I have personally discussed the Kielce events with Israeli Judge Mrs. Sara Dotan. She was assigned to supervise in 1996 in Tel-Aviv the deposition of Israeli survivors of Kielce pogrom for a report prepared by post-communist investigators Zbigniew Mielecki and others. Judge Dotan stated that she was severely shocked to learn from the witnesses that the Kielce murders were committed by soldiers and Catholic priests.

    I have tried to explain to her that apparently the witnesses mistook the military shirts equipped with white neck bands for the Roman collars (which were not worn by Polish priests in 1946). Apparently some of the uniformed men from the Soviet terror apparatus in Poland (such as soldiers from the Blocking Companies of the Second Infantry Division stationed in Kielce, soldiers from the Internal Corps as well as the uniformed riot police) were assigned to stage the pogrom. Apparently, they were given civilian coats and pants to feign a role of a Polish mob. By wearing the regular military shirts they appeared to the Israeli witnesses as having had the Roman collars now popular among the clergy visiting the Holy Land.

    The tragic events known as the Pogrom of Kielce of 1946 were demonstrably a part of Soviet postwar global strategy. The Soviets ruthlessly exploited Jews for Soviet political purposes.

    In New York on July 7, 1946 the Society For The Promotion Of Poland’s Independence issued a Declaration On the Kielce Crime. The declaration was signed by prominent historians Henryk Askenazy, Oskar Halecki and others. It stated:

    (…)The Warsaw regime receiving its orders from Moscow and acting strictly in obedience to them has (…) [pursued] policies planned methodically and aimed at compelling the Jews to leave Poland and to embarrass the British Government in matters pertaining to the Palestine problem, and, furthermore, to aggravate the political crisis in the Near East, to envenom Judeo-Arab antagonisms. It is indeed for that purpose that the Warsaw regime endeavors to squeeze in the remnants of Poland’s Jewish population which has succeeded in escaping Hitler’s massacre, into American and British zones of occupation of Germany.”

    Soviet attempts to destabilize the oil-rich Near East also included the opening of the Iron Curtain to allow hundreds of thousands of Jews, many of whom went to Palestine, to join the struggle for the independence of Israel. The emigrating Jews were armed with Czech weapons given to them by the Soviets. Bernard Lewis (Semites and Anti-Semites. New York: W.W. Norton 1986) states that the Soviet Bloc was the only source of weapons used by the Jews during the decisive struggles in Palestine. In the Spring of 1947 Andrei Gromyko was the first to propose in the UN the establishing of the State of Israel. Decisive moves by the USSR in the UN on the recognition of the State of Israel were a part of the strategy to make Islamic owners of the Near East oil fields dependent on Soviet weapons and political support. Soviet aim was to blockade the supply of Arab oil to the United States and its allies as well as to generate fanatical hatred of the Muslim world against the West.

    Crime during catastrophic events
    One can endlessly cite criminal acts and moral failures inside Ghetto walls and outside of them. The courts of the Polish Home Army (AK) associated with the Polish Government-in-Exile in London condemned to death and executed traitors and criminals. All over the world cataclysms offer an opportunity for people to act on their worst instincts.

    In the United States it is a standard procedure to call on the national guard to protect the population against widespread looting and crime during catastrophic events. No one in America considers such crimes to be a national disgrace. Anti-Polish propaganda practiced by Gross and others like him demands that the Polish Nation accept the behavior of individual criminals to be sins of all Poles.

    The Holocaust Museums
    Gross quotes Jzef Lipi ski, the famous professor of economics, who wrote Two homelands (“Dwie Ojczyzny”) “anti-Polonism is as bad as anti-Semitism or as anti-Ukrainism,” and then goes on to criticize Poland for not copying American museums of the Holocaust. These museums practice anti-Polonism and spread the myth about Polish complicity in the Holocaust. Large exhibits of the 1946 Pogrom of Kielce are shown as the Polish phase of the genocide of the Jews.

    There is nothing in the Holocaust Museums on the German megalomaniac interpretation of the theory of evolution which says that life is a mortal struggle for the survival of the fittest. The Germanic race was supposed to be the fittest, as opposed to Semitic and Slavic races. Marx strengthened the confusion when he came up with his theory of history according to which the law of the jungle was justified in the political struggle between nations or social classes.

    The Holocaust Museums do not show how Marx and Darwin provided fertile ground for the development of anti-Semitism which percolated in German society throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, as German racism and the ideals of German superiority gained ground. At the same time Wagner’s operas were strengthening German megalomania, Nietzsche’s dream of supermanhood pleased the Germans. While Bismarck’s regime toned down anti-Semitism, it directed its hatred towards Polish Catholics. Bismarck marked the Poles for destruction in order to assure Germany’s rule over Prussian territory (Werner Richter, Bismarck, New York: Putnam Press, 1964. p. 101). While Bismarck’s anti-Catholic campaign was being conducted in parts of Poland occupied by Germany, mixed Christian-Jewish marriages were occurring quite often among the Germans. The children of those marriages were thaught to say that they were totally and unconditionally German. But anti-Semitism kept growing, sustained among other reasons by a resentful realization that Jews played a prominent role in German society.

    Forcing of Jews to be executioners both in ghettos and death camps.
    The Holocaust Museums should show how the racist sentiments were at the root of the opinion that German defeat in 1918 was due to Jews and how anti-Semitism became the rallying force for politicians and demagogues in the Weimar Republic. In this atmosphere, the descendants of mixed Jewish-German marriages leaned over backward to prove that their loyalties lay with Germany rather than with Jewry. Therefore when Hitler came to power, many members of such families volunteered for the job of solving the Jewish question. Among such people were von Heydrich, Globocnik, Eichman, Knochenn, Dannecker and many others. These people represented a “pathological Jewish self-hatred,” to use the words of a Jewish historian Gerald Reitlinger (SS-Alibi of a Nation 1922-1945, Engelwood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1951 & 1981). In particular, Reitlinger points out that when SS General Reinhard von Heydrich became responsible for the program of extermination of the Jews, he arranged it so that the Jews themselves were forced to be executioners of Jews both in ghettos and death camps.

    As a result an average Jewish policeman in the Warsaw Ghetto dispatched over 2,200 persons to the gas chambers of Treblinka. At the Umschlagplatz in Warsaw, where Jews were loaded into trains going to Treblinka, Jewish policemen offered food in the railway carriages to entice hungry inhabitants of the ghetto to enter. The most horrible dimension of the Jewish tragedy in World War II was that German planners made the Jews themselves execute the Jewish genocide. The abominable activities of the extortionists (szmalcowniki), or gentiles who collaborated with the Nazis as “racial Germans” (the volksdeutsche) or other collaborators, were of marginal importance in the genocide of Polish Jews. The real destruction was done with active participation of Jewish Councils and Jewish Police. This aspect of the Jewish tragedy has been carefully hidden in the US Holocaust Museum, which instead prominently features such “Polish” elements as the Kielce pogrom.

    Reconciliation versus tradition
    Traditional Jewish animosity toward the Poles developed during the partitions of Poland. It was much more common than Jewish hatred of the Germans. This was mentioned by Polish Catholic writer Zofia Kossak-Szczucka during the Holocaust when she was appealing for sacrifices of Polish gentiles for the cause of saving Jews within the egota program financed by Polish Government-in-Exile in London.

    Today the Jewish attitude toward Poles manifests itself in the use of generalizations when dealing with accusations. Jewish students are often thaught that the Holocaust would not have taken place if the Poles did not want it. To teach about the Holocaust an animal farm rendition of the genocide of the Jews is used showing Jews as mice, Germans as cats, and Poles as swine (Maus by Art Spiegelman). Some of the colleges in America include this new version of the animal farm as an obligatory reading. If ever this cartoon rendition of the Holocaust is translated into Polish and published in Poland it will offend many who remember how the Nazis referred to the Poles as swine.

    In the conclusion of his Ghastly Decade Gross equates Polish anti-Semitism with Hitlerism in Germany, Stalinism in Russia, and legally- sanctioned slavery and racism in the United States. These comparisons are highly unfair. Anti-Semitism never was legally sanctioned in free Poland. When Poland was a Soviet satellite the Warsaw regime carried out Moscow’s orders whether in Kielce, or in 1968, or at any other time during the entire history of Peoples’ Poland.

    Gross writes: The Poles – because of the Holocaust – must study the history of the persecution of the Jews in Poland. Otherwise they will not be able to live in harmony with their own identity. The insinuation included in this statement is in contrast with what Simon Wiesenthal wrote in Krystyna, a Tragedy of Polish Resistance: “In the Polish history, the relations between Poles and Jews never were simple.” On his eightieth birthday Wiesenthal said: I know what kind of role Jewish communists played in Poland after the war. And just as I, as a Jew, do not want to shoulder responsibility for the Jewish communists, I cannot blame 36 million Poles for those thousands of [wartime] extortionists (szmalcownicy) [common criminals].

    Conclusion
    The separatist Polish Jews described by Bashevis Singer are no more. Today Jews in Poland are a part of the Polish Nation and they should follow the conciliatory advice of Simon Wiesenthal

    During the Second World War Poland was devastated and plundered by the Germans and the Soviets. Jewish possessions in Warsaw were devastated, together with the possessions of all inhabitants of the Polish capital. After the war the capital was rebuilt from ruins with great effort and sacrifice of the Polish people. So it was in other Polish towns. The Polish population was systematically robbed by the Germans and the Soviets. Essentially by the end of 1948 there was hardly a person in Poland, Jew or Gentile, whose property was not destroyed or taken over either by the Nazis or the Communists. All claims for restitution for damages incurred in the years 1939-1989 should be settled without regard of creed or ethnic origin.

    Unfortunately, Gross, despite his scientific credentials, is practicing propaganda in the spirit of the statements made by the Secretary General of the Jewish World Congress quoted at the beginning of this text. Gross’s propaganda helps those who make demands for ransom to be paid by the Polish Government to compensate for crimes perpetrated in Poland by the Nazis, the Soviets, and by common criminals.

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